Humanitarian Assistance: Haiti

Research Question: Is international humanitarian assistance needed in Haiti? Introduction International humanitarian assistance is about providing support to locations that have their local capacity to mobilize immediate aid to an affected population overwhelmed by disastrous events. The nature of these events varies and the provision of assistance relies on emergency structures previously designed by public authorities. Based on the definition of humanitarian assistance and the requirements of its provision, this paper analyzes whether international humanitarian assistance is needed in Haiti, a country that has historically faced internal political disruptions and external international interventions. The conclusion of this paper is based on a brief overview of Haiti’s humanitarian assistance, political history, and the economic implications of an erratic system. International Humanitarian Assistance in Haiti Humanitarian assistance is a medicine. It alleviates the momentary pain caused by a health issue. Administered correctly, it helps a patient resume a normal life. However, if not correctly diagnosed, this international aid may exacerbate a chronic disease (Lischer, 2003). Haitians have long been fighting against internal and external political battles that have led the country to acute economic and social problems. As the case of this Caribbean island is not about a minor disease but a chronic illness that has aggravated over the last decades by internal conflicts and external interventions, the assessment of humanitarian assistance must be done in retrospective so that the international community and Haitians themselves can identify what have been the drivers behind Haitian social issues. The purpose of understanding these drivers is to elaborate a plan based on a systematic and broad development approach respecting sovereignty principles rather than a short-term or “pain reliever” medicine backed by spurious interests (Adelman, 1992). According to the United Nations resolution 46/182, 1991, “Humanitarian assistance must be provided in accordance with the humanitarian principles namely: humanity, neutrality, and impartiality”. Human suffering must be addressed wherever it is found, with particular attention to the most vulnerable in the population, such as children, women and the elderly. The dignity and rights of all victims must be respected and protected. Humanitarian assistance must be provided without engaging in hostilities or taking sides in controversies of a political, religious or ideological nature. Humanitarian assistance must be provided without discriminating as to ethnic origin, gender, nationality, political opinions, race or religion. Relief of the suffering must be guided solely by needs and priority must be given to the most urgent cases of distress. “Adherence to these principles reflects a measure of accountability of the humanitarian community” (Global Humanitarian Assistance, 2012). The United Nations and other regional organizations have had difficulties to comply with this resolution. The UN system has been present in Haiti since early 1990’s. In 1991, after a coup d’état overthrowing the president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the Organization of American States condemned the coup and along with the United Nations set up a trade embargo (Falk, 1995). In 1994, under the Clinton administration, US forces entered the country to restore Aristide to the presidency. After resuming his administration, Aristide established a civilian police force. In 1995, René Préval was elected as president. In 2000, Aristide came back to power. In 2004, a revolt began and Aristide was forced to exile. In 2006, Préval was once again elected president under political uncertainties. During the political shifts between Aristide and Préval, the United Nations and the United States have been accused by public officials and human rights activists of disrespecting Haiti’s sovereignty (Beardslee, 1995). The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) has been in the country since the 2004 coup d’état. MINUSTAH was established by the Security Council. The UN mission succeeded a Multinational Interim Force authorized by the Security Council in February 2004 after Aristide departed Haiti for exile in South Africa in the aftermath of an armed conflict which spread to several cities across the country. The devastating earthquake of 12 January 2010, which resulted in more than 220,000 deaths, caused a severe blow to the country's economy and infrastructure. The Security Council in January 2010 endorsed the Secretary-General's recommendation to increase the overall force levels of MINUSTAH to support the immediate recovery, reconstruction and stability efforts in the country. Following the completion of presidential elections in 2011, MINUSTAH has been working to restore a secure and stable environment, to promote the political process, to strengthen public institutions and rule-of-law-structures as well as to promote and to protect human rights. The Mission has continued to mobilize its logistical resources to assist in the effort to contain and treat the cholera outbreak of October 2010 (United Nations, 2012). MINUSTAH forces have been repeatedly accused by Haitians and international independent observers of violating the humanity, neutrality, and impartiality during its humanitarian mission (Rutz, 2007). In January 2010, Haiti was struck by a magnitude-7.0 earthquake, the country's most severe earthquake in over 200 years. The epicenter was just outside the capital Port-au-Prince. Widespread damage resulted from the quake, and the capital city was devastated. International aid flowed in but was hampered by damaged infrastructure. As many as one million Haitians were left homeless. Haiti needed to be completely rebuilt from the ground up. Young Artists for Haiti in Canada and Hope for Haiti Now: A Global Benefit for Earthquake Relief released a global effort to raise relief funds (Hayes, 2010). International officials looked at the short and long term priorities while dealing with the daily task of managing the emergency situation. As of September 2010, there were over one million refugees living in tents and the humanitarian situation was characterized as still being in the emergency phase. In May 2011, BBC News reported that a new report challenges Haiti's official earthquake death toll. "Significantly fewer people died or were left homeless by last year's earthquake in Haiti than claimed by the country's leaders, a draft report commissioned by the US government has said. The unpublished report puts the death toll between 46,000 and 85,000. Regardless of the reliability of the death toll counting and homeless people in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake, the Haitians were clearly living in dire straits (Cavallo, 2010). The poor living conditions in Haiti are explained by internal and external factors. Internally, the Haitian government mismanaged the foreign aid flowing into the country. Corruption has consumed a great amount of money that should have been invested in infrastructure (Farmer, 2003). Externally, foreign aid withheld and trade embargos have hampered the country’s possibilities to foster development. Three loans totaling US$146 million -- intended for health sector improvement, education reform, potable water enhancement, and road rehabilitation -- were approved through the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and by the Haitian Government but these loans were blocked by a US veto in response to alleged irregularities during national parliamentary elections held in May 2000 (Farmer, 2003). This withheld aid further crippled Haiti’s new democracy (Farmer, 2003). The economic embargo from 1991 to 1994 had a deleterious impact on health, well-being, and human rights in Haiti. The results of this embargo, which extensively violated human rights, were declining income, rising unemployment, poorer nutrition, rising infant mortality, poorer education, and family breakdowns (Gibbons, 1999). These impacts continue until now (Gibbons, 1999). Haiti’s Political History Every illness has a history. By studying the political past of Haiti, humanitarian organizations and development agencies understand that whatever intervention is made, the immediate treatment prescribed has only palliative effects since they realize that the internal problems that Haitians face daily have been created over decades of political disruptions caused by international, regional, and local disputes. Internal and external politics is at the heart of the problems and solutions of this island nation. Inspired by the French Revolution, Toussaint Louverture achieved peace in 1794 in Saint-Domingue after years of war against both external and internal forces. This former slave drove out the French, the Spanish, and the British (Scherman, 1954). During the years of revolution, the United States played both sides by supplying armaments to both the French and the rebels. At the end of this revolution, former slaves proclaimed the independence of Saint-Domingue in January 1804, and named the new nation as “Ayti” (Scherman, 1954). In 1821, President Jean Pierre Boyer reunified the two parts of Saint-Domingue. During Boyer's administration, free blacks from the United States were encouraged to emigrate to Haiti. Boyer wanted to gain people’s skills to contribute to the consolidation of an independent nation. In 1825, France sent a fleet of fourteen vessels to reconquer the island. Under pressure, Boyer agreed to a treaty by which France formally recognized the independence of the nation in exchange for a payment as an indemnity for profits lost from the slave trade (Baur, 1947). After losing the support of Haiti's elite, Boyer was ousted in 1843. A long succession of coups followed his departure to exile. National authority was disputed by factions of the army, the elite class, and the growing commercial class, increasingly made up of numerous immigrant businessmen: Germans, Americans, the French, and the English (Baur, 1947). In 1912, Syrians residing in Haiti participated in a plot in which the Presidential Palace was destroyed (Plummer, 1981). On more than one occasion, French, US, German and British forces allegedly claimed large sums of money from the National Bank of Haiti. Expatriates bankrolled and armed opposing groups (Douglas, 1927). In addition, national governments intervened in Haitian affairs. In 1892, the German government supported suppression of the reform movement of Anténor Firmin (Douglas, 1927). In January 1914, British, German and US forces entered Haiti to protect their citizens from civil unrest. In an expression of the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, the United States occupied the island in 1915 and US Marines were stationed in the country until 1934 (Douglas, 1927). According to Paul Farmer, the US administration dismantled the constitutional system, reinstituted virtual slavery for building roads, and established the National Guards that ran the country by violence and terror after the Marines left (Farmer, 2003). The US occupation forces established a boundary between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. After the US left in 1934, Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo ordered his Army to kill Haitians living on the Dominican side of the border. In a "three-day genocidal spree", he murdered between 10,000 and 20,000 Haitians. He then developed a uniquely Dominican policy of racial discrimination, “Antihaitianismo” targeting the mostly black inhabitants of his neighboring country (Sagás, 1995). From 1957 to 1986 Haiti was governed by the hereditary dictatorship of the Duvalier family. François Duvalier, known as "Papa Doc", was the President of Haiti from 1957 until his death in 1971. He stayed in power by enlisting an organization known as Tontons Macoutes, which maintained order by terrorizing the population. "Papa Doc" was succeeded by his son Jean-Claude Duvalier -- known also as "Bébé Doc" -- who led the country from 1971 until his ouster in 1986. In 1986, protests against "Baby Doc" led him to seek exile in France (Trouillot, 1990). In March 1987, a new constitution was approved by Haiti's population. General elections in November were aborted after dozens of inhabitants were shot in the capital by soldiers and Tontons Macoutes (Ferguson, 1988). Fraudulent military-controlled elections followed, boycotted by opposition candidates, and the elected President, Leslie Manigat, was overthrown some months later in the June 1988 Haitian coup d'état when he sought to assert his constitutional control over the military (Ferguson, 1988). The September 1988 Haitian coup d'état followed after the Saint Jean Bosco massacre brought to the fore the increasing prominence of former Tontons Macoutes, and General Prosper Avril led a military regime until March 1990 (Koh, 1994). Throughout the late 1980s and into the 1990s, leading members of the military, intelligence and police were involved in the illegal drug trade in Haiti, assisting Colombian drug traffickers smuggling drugs into the United States (Perito, 2009). In December 1990, Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected president. His mandate began on February 1991, having survived a coup attempt even before his inauguration, when former Tonton Macoute leader Roger Lafontant seized the provisional president Ertha Pascal-Trouillot and declared himself President (Hallward, 2007). After large numbers of Aristide supporters filled the streets in protest and Lafontant attempted to declare martial law, the Army crushed the incipient coup (Highet, 1994). During Aristide's short-lived first period in office, he attempted to carry out substantial reforms, which brought opposition from Haiti's business and military elite. His relationship with the National Assembly soon deteriorated, partly over his selection of his friend René Préval as Prime Minister. In September, Aristide was overthrown in the 1991 Haitian coup d'état, led by Army General Raoul Cédras, and flown into exile (Clinton). Elections were scheduled, but then cancelled. The Organization of American States condemned the coup, and the United Nations set up a trade embargo (Farmer, 2003). A campaign of terror against Aristide supporters was started by Emmanuel Constant. In 1993, Constant, who had been on the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency's payroll as an informant since 1992, organized the Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haiti, which targeted and killed an estimated 5000 Aristide’s supporters (Aristide, 2004). In 1994, an American team, under the direction of the Clinton Administration negotiated the departure of Haiti's military leaders and the entry of US forces under Operation Uphold Democracy, thereby paving the way for the restoration of Aristide (Kretchik, 1998). In October 1994, Aristide returned to Haiti to complete his term in office. Aristide disbanded the Haitian army, and established a civilian police force. In the 1995 election, René Préval was elected as president for a five-year term. The November 2000 election gave the presidency back to Aristide. The election had been boycotted by the opposition. In subsequent years, there was increasing violence and human rights abuses. Aristide supporters attacked the opposition. Aristide spent years negotiating with the Convergence Démocratique on new elections, but the Convergence's inability to develop a sufficient electoral base made elections unattractive (Jalabert, 2005). In 2004, a revolt began in northern Haiti. The rebellion eventually reached the capital and Aristide was forced into exile, whereupon the United Nations stationed peacekeepers in Haiti. Much evidence points to a key U.S. role in Aristide's ouster, with Aristide and his bodyguard claiming that he was the victim of a "new coup d'état or modern kidnapping" by U.S. forces. Mrs. Aristide stated that the kidnappers wore US Special Forces uniforms, but changed into civilian clothes upon boarding the aircraft that was used to remove Aristide from Haiti (Dollar, 2007). René Préval was elected President in February 2006, following elections marked by uncertainties and popular demonstrations. The MINUSTAH remains in the country, having been there since the 2004 Haitian coup d'etat. The United States led an international campaign to prevent Aristide from returning to his country while he was exiled in South Africa (Dupuy, 2007). Released Wikileaks documents show that high-level U.S. and U.N. officials coordinated a politically motivated prosecution of Aristide to prevent him from "gaining more traction with the Haitian population and returning to Haiti." The United States and its allies allegedly poured tens of millions of dollars into unsuccessful efforts to slander Aristide as a drug trafficker, human rights violator, and heretical practitioner of voodoo (Onofre). Based on this brief historical review of Haiti’s politics, it is possible to observe the politicization of aid at bilateral and multilateral levels and how humanitarian assistance remains tied to the political aims of wealthy countries and social classes (Farmer, 2003). In addition, the numerous regional and internal conflicts on “la isla Hispaniola” consumed valuable resources from Haitian administrations. Another important aspect observed in this historical review is the racial discrimination and the elite division within the Haitian society and how they have amplified the internal political disputes. Finally, the military has also played an important role throughout Haiti’s contemporary history. By controlling the means to oust elected presidents and relying on external support to do so, the military placed corporate interests above the civil society’s needs and as a result slowed down the democratic process of societal participation in the country’s future. Conclusion The brief review of humanitarian assistance and the political history in Haiti shows that successive external interventions, regional racial discrimination, and several internal disputes have led the country to become the poorest in the Americas. Even though Haitians enjoy a track record of slavery mobilization against settlers which resulted in emancipation and independence, the elected leaders were not able to find a balance between internal governance challenges and external economic interests over the nation’s resources. 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